Wednesday, March 30, 2016

France gears up for another round of rail strikes

Regional train services in France will be running a half service on Thursday as workers strike against planned changes to France’s employment laws.

France’s national rail operator SNCF announced Wednesday that the strike would affect TER and Transilien regional trains, and that non-TGV intercity services would be running a 40 percent service.
High-speed TGV services will also be affected, with a half service in northern France, and a 75 percent service in all other French regions.
International Eurostar, Thalys and Aleo trains are not expected to be affected by the strikes.
Unveiled in mid-February, the proposed employment law named after Economy Minister Myriam El Khomri, is designed to give employers more flexibility in hiring and firing. Critics say it unduly threatens job security.
Thursday’s industrial action is not expected to have the same widespread impact as rail strikes that took place on March 9, after two major unions – UNSA and the CFDT - said their members will continue to work.
Both unions said they believed action focused against the El Kohmry Law would eclipse specific concerns about working conditions on French railways.
The March 9 strikes were a rare show of unity for France’s powerful but disparate unions, who want extra staff to be recruited, as well as pay rises and guarantees about their working conditions.
They also say that management of the state rail system is “catastrophic” and that so far in 2016, 1,400 trains have been cancelled because there was insufficient staff to run them.
Since 2003, the SNCF has reduced its workforce by 25,000 by not replacing staff as they retire. In 2015, the SNCF had just under 150,000 employees.

Athens' airport to nowhere: Migrants stranded in Greek limbo

For decades, Ellinikon International Airport has connected Athens to wealthier EU capitals. Now the abandoned structure has been taken over by thousands of migrants desperate to make their way further north into Europe.

It's been 15 years since the last plane took off from the Greek capital's former international airport, which stretches along the Aegean Sea and lies a short drive south of the city centre. If things had gone according to plan, Ellinikon (also known as Hellinikon) might have become Athens' equivalent of Tempelhof Airport in Berlin: a sprawling and much-loved communal area where families, cyclists, skaters and kite-flyers whiz along the disused runways and revel in unkempt meadows that stretch out to the horizon.
But in crisis-hit Greece, nothing has gone according to plan. Part of the airport site was hastily redeveloped just in time to host the baseball, hockey, kayak and fencing events of the 2004 Olympics. The following year architects were invited to submit plans for a new metropolitan park, trumpeted as Europe's largest. But the work was due to start in 2008, the year financial markets collapsed and Greece began its descent into economic purgatory.
As one ill-fated EU bailout followed another, Greece was told to sell its “crown jewels” – including Ellinikon and the nearby port of Piraeus, Europe's largest passenger terminal. Qatar snapped up a first chunk of the airport, despite the pleas of local residents to go ahead with the park. Then came the migrants. They now number 4,359, crammed into abandoned departure lounges and former Olympic facilities in harrowing conditions.
'Join us or go away'
The migrants at Ellinikon and at the port of Piraeus – where some 6,000 huddle in tents with no roof above them – have been stuck in limbo since countries to the north closed their borders earlier this month. More than 51,000 are now trapped in Greece, a cash-strapped country they never envisaged as their final destination when they set off from home fleeing poverty, war and persecution.
A migrant child peeps through the entrance to a tent in the main hall of the Ellinikon Airport, which has been closed since 2001. © Sarah Leduc
Hassan Haji, a 36-year-old nurse from northern Iraq, has been staying at Ellinikon for a month with his wife Ines and their four children, aged one to ten. Like many others, they were hoping to move on to Germany where they have friends and family. Now they sit in the airport's overcrowded departure lounge, waiting to hear if and when the borders will reopen.
In the meantime, Haji has teamed up with relatives to form a tiny camp within the camp, with half a dozen tents grouped together around a miniscule communal area offering just enough space to sit down for a chat on sleeping mats and grey UN blankets. He describes his journey to Greece with a mix of gestures and broken English, helped by his cousin Malalla al-Khany.
Haji and his travel companions are Yazidis, an ethnic and religious minority whose members have been kidnappedraped and murdered by the Islamic State (IS) group. They left their village near Mosul in Iraq just before it was stormed by the jihadist group, heading first for Sinjar, where IS militants had been driven out by Kurdish fighters.
“The [Kurdish] peshmerga said, 'Join our forces or go away,' so we drove on to the Turkish border,” says al-Khany, 21, who trained as a translator at Mosul University. They went on to Istanbul and the smuggling hub of Izmir, where they sold their car to pay for the crossing to Greece. They were charged $2,000 per adult and half that amount for the children. Haji had to pay $8,000 for his family alone.
The Iraqi migrants had been promised a “big and modern” boat but were hauled onto a rickety raft and held at gunpoint. Fortunately all of them survived the four-hour crossing to the Greek island of Chios, a short but treacherous route that has claimed hundreds of lives since the start of the migrant crisis.
After registering with Greek authorities, Haji and his relatives were each given a piece of paper stating that they can stay in Greece for six months, after which they will be deported. The text is in Greek only. Before showing it to FRANCE 24, none of them had any idea what it said.
Detention centre
Unlike the countless other squats and NGO-run shelters that have sprung up across Greece since the start of the crisis, Ellenikon is, in theory, an “official” camp. But it is hard to find any signs of officialdom. Other than an unmarked police car parked discreetly outside the structure and dozens of Greek volunteers serving food to a long queue of migrants, there is no evidence of anyone running or surveilling the camp.
Hassan Haji (left) and Mallala al-Khany, two Yazidis from the Mosul region of northern Iraq, have been living at the camp at Ellinikon Airport since the end of February. © Sarah Leduc
The abandoned airport is the legacy of a now-defunct phase of the refugee crisis, when Germany opened its borders to hundreds of thousands and Greece simply waved them through, well aware that none of them planned to apply for asylum in the EU's weakest economy.
Ideological factors have also guided Greece's actions. When it came to power in January 2015, the left-wing Syriza party moved to close the grimmest migrant detention centres, describing them as inhumane. It ordered police not to use force to remove people camping in ports and at border posts. The contrast with Balkan countries north of Greece, where riot police have frequently clashed with migrants, is glaring.
In places like Ellenikon, migrants are free to walk in and out of the camp and wander into town. Those who can afford to buy food go to nearby stores, “because the food at the camp is bad and the bread is like stone”, says al-Khany.
But the Ellenikon camp was never meant to last, or to house this many people. The situation here and in other parts of the Athens region has deteriorated rapidly as the result of a March agreement between the EU and Turkey, aimed at halting an influx of more than a million "irregular migrants" through Greece since January last year.
Under the deal, migrants arriving on the Greek islands are now individually assessed by the Greek authorities, backed by EU staff. Anyone who does not apply for asylum will be sent back starting April 4, as will anyone whose claim is rejected. For every Syrian migrant sent back to Turkey, one Syrian already in Turkey will be resettled in the EU.
Implementation of the deal has presented Greece with a massive logistical challenge. This involved emptying Greek islands of all those who had crossed over from Turkey prior to the deal in order to make way for the newcomers and organise expulsions.
As a result, the numbers of refugees have swollen in Athens and elsewhere on the mainland. Their fate is not addressed by the deal with Turkish authorities, which rights groups have slammed as a gross violation of refugee conventions. They say the agreement has effectively turned Greece into a detention centre.
The Greek government has promised to speed up the creation of new reception centres for up to 30,000 migrants trapped in the country. It has bitterly complained that emergency funds promised by the EU to help cope with the crisis are yet to arrive.
Local officials are also under pressure to find shelter for refugee families. On Wednesday, the municipality of Athens announced a scheme to house 1,200 vulnerable asylum seekers in houses and hotels by the summer. In Thessaloniki, Greece's second-largest city, the mayor has vowed to find accommodation for 1,400.
'We can't go back'
In the meantime, more and more tents have sprung up at Ellinikon, covering every square foot of the former terminal and spreading outside into the open air. Families hang up bits of cloth for a little privacy. Men while away the time as best they can while swarms of children run amok and women stay mostly inside their tents. The air is thick with the smell of unwashed bodies and clothes.
“Everywhere is dirty. There is only one doctor and four cold showers for all of us,” says al-Khany. “They just feed us, like animals, and then nothing else.”
Safety is another issue. There are just 27 Yazidis in the terminal, huddled together in two clusters. They are surrounded by Afghans, who make up the majority of the camp's population. In one sign of tension between the communities, Yazidis accuse Afghans of stealing their belongings, while Afghans make the same claim of Iranians.
Despite the dire conditions, there is no going back for Haji and al-Khany. “We can't return to Iraq,” says the latter. “We have no house, we sold our car; we have nothing. If there is no other option, we will apply to live in Greece.”
A mother and child next to drying washing at the entrance to the former airport. © Sarah Leduc
Others may not even have that option. As European countries scramble to stem the northward flow from Greece, Afghans and Pakistanis have slipped down the refugee social ladder. Most are considered economic migrants, regardless of their personal stories.
The Afghans at Ellinikon tend to be ethnic Hazaras, recognisable by their distinctive features, a legacy of their East Asian ancestry. Like Iraq's Yazidis, Hazaras have long been oppressed by other groups that make up the patchwork of ethnicities in Aghanistan. They are mainly Shiite Muslims in a Sunni-majority country, and frequent targets of the Taliban.
Pervaiz Abdullahi, 19, hails from a village near Mazar-i-Sharif in northern Afghanistan. He worked as an IT engineer for an American company until conditions became too dangerous. At Ellinikon, his language skills have turned him into a mediator between different groups.
“I left because the Taliban always attack and kill. They killed my two elder brothers,” he says. “The Taliban told me: ‘Join us and help us kill Americans’. They offered me money. But I fled.”
Abdullahi arrived in Athens in late February after travelling through Iran, Turkey and the Greek island of Lesbos. Just as he prepared to head north he was told that Macedonian authorities had reclassified all Afghans as economic migrants and would stop them at the border.
“Germany, UK, France – I am ready to go anywhere,” he says in fluent English, refusing to believe that the borders are likely to remain shut for the foreseeable future. “Can you tell France to send a plane? For two thousand people? Five thousand people? We will come.”
Barring an unexpected change of policy, there will be no such plane arriving in Athens for Abdullahi. As he speaks, a sign above him reads “Domestic flights” – a dispiriting reminder that, for the time being, his future lies in Greece. 

Seeking justice in a French court for an IS-group beheading

More than a year after their son, a Syrian army soldier, was beheaded by Islamic State (IS) group militants, Fayza and Ghassan M. have filed a civil lawsuit against French jihadist Maxime Hauchard, one of the alleged killers, in a French court.

It’s a chilling image nobody should have to see, let alone a parent. But that’s what Fayza and Ghassan forced themselves to do in November 2014, when they watched an IS group video featuring a jihadist beheading their son.
The 16-minute clip, which announced the decapitation of former US Army Ranger Peter Kassig, made headlines across the world. But the 26-year-old American was not the only victim in that clip. In what was probably a macabre ploy to prolong and dramatise their grisly message, the IS group also included the beheadings of 18 men identified as, “Nusayri officers and pilots in the hands of the Khilafa [caliphate]”.
“Nusayri” is the term employed by the jihadist group for Alawites, the Shiite minority sect to whichSyrian President Bashar al-Assad belongs.
The 18 condemned men in the video were Syrian military officers -- and they included Fayza and Ghassan’s eldest son, Ghaith.
More than a year after that grim video appeared online, the couple has traveled from the central Syrian city of Homs to Paris, where they hope to seek justice for their son.
The gray dampness of a Paris spring day is thousands of miles and a world away from the parched battlefields of eastern Syria, where their son met his grisly end. But in what could be a landmark case for international justice and the campaign against the IS group, the Syrian couple is suing a French national in a French court for his alleged role in their son’s murder.
The Frenchman named in the lawsuit is Maxime Hauchard, a 24-year-old native of Normandy familiar to French intelligence officials. Born and raised in a Catholic family in Le Bosc-Roger-en-Roumois, a sleepy village in northern France, Hauchard is an unlikely jihadist who personifies some of the bewildering profiles of foreign fighters who have signed up for the IS group cause.
In a July 2014 interview from Syria with French TV station BFM, Hauchard revealed that he had converted to Islam at 17 after watching YouTube videos. He then traveled to the West African country of Mauritania for religious instruction, but left when he found the education "not strict enough". In August 2013, posing as a humanitarian worker, the Normandy native traveled to Turkey and crossed the border to Syria, where he is believed to be currently living.
The 24-year-old Frenchman was one of the unmasked IS group jihadists -- many of them foreign fighters -- who were filmed beheading captives in the 2014 video. Shortly after the video’s release,Interior Minister Bernard Cazeneuve confirmed that French intelligence services had analysed the video and concluded that “it is strongly presumed that the person [in the video] is Maxime Hauchard, born in 1992”. An international arrest warrant was issued for his arrest.
More than five years after the Syrian uprising broke, the grim nexus of that conflict is taking its toll across the world and the true impact is being felt, sometimes in the unlikeliest places.
Dressed in a neat, all-black pant suit, Fayza gazes at a TV screen in a Paris hostel room silently streaming the latest updates on the March 22 Brussels attacks investigations.
“I’m sorry for the Brussels victims because their families are also suffering, they are also victims. The things these terrorists have done -- haram, haram, haram,” says Fayza, repeating the Arabic word for “forbidden under Islamic law”, before returning to a theme that is often repeated in the course of the interview. “We are also suffering. But we are not alone. There are so many people in our position.”
A military career path for father and son 
Fayza and Ghassan’s harrowing experience is being mirrored across Syria, where kidnappings and the handover of captives between rebel groups and militant commanders are rampant.
A retired Syrian army officer, Ghassan raised his two sons and a daughter in Homs, providing them all the middle class comforts he could afford.
His eldest son, Ghaith, joined the Syrian army shortly after graduation following a common career path in the Alawite community since the current Syrian leader’s father, Hafez al-Assad, came to power in the 1970s.
In 2007, four years before anti-regime protests broke out, Ghaith was posted to Raqqa. Back then, little did the family know that the eastern Syrian city would gain international notoriety as the “capital” of the IS group’s so-called caliphate.
Although he moved from home, Ghaith continued to see his family in Homs every month. In 2010, he got married and the newly-weds bought an apartment in Raqqa, where the couple had a son, born a year after the Syrian uprising broke.
On December 13, 2012 -- a day etched in the couple’s memory -- Fayza and Ghassan saw their son. "That was the last time we saw him, but we did not know it at the time," says Ghassan, pausing to gaze at the floor. At this stage, Fayza takes up the narrative.
"On January 3 [2013], he sent us a photo of him promoted him to the rank of naqib [captain in the Syrian army]. He was so happy and proud," recalls his mother, clicking through images on her mobile to find the photograph of her son, beaming in his uniform with captain epaulettes, on his promotion day.
It was the last piece of happy news the couple would receive from their eldest son.
‘If you want, you can have lunch with Assad’
Ten days later, Ghaith was captured in a battle between Raqqa and Deir Ezzor in eastern Syria by FSA (Free Syrian Army) rebels.
It was the start of a harrowing nightmare for the family. Kidnappings have long been a thriving subsidiary of the war business, particularly in the Syria-Lebanon region. Estimates of the number of abductions – by jihadists, moderate rebels, established criminal networks or upstart ones -- are hard to arrive at given the lawlessness across Syria. But anecdotal evidence of a kidnapping surge abounds, with an untold number of Syrian families enduring the psychological trauma of trying to get information and secure the release of loved ones in the absence of law enforcement mechanisms.
Shortly after he fell into rebel hands, Ghaith featured in an FSA video of captured Syrian civil servants and soldiers. His captors then contacted the family by phone, seeking a prisoner exchange.
“We tried and we tried, but it was impossible,” explains Ghassan. “Some of the [regime’s] prisoners were killers and they would never have been released.”
But Ghaith’s captors were implacable. “They told me you’re an Alawite. If you want, you can have lunch with Assad. But I’m not the defense minister,” says Ghassan helplessly.
Enter the intermediaries – for a price
And so, the negotiations continued at a painstaking pace until the FSA unit holding their son threatened to sell Ghaith to Jabhat al-Nusra, al Qaeda’s Syria branch. “They told me, ‘you know what Nusra will do with an Alawite,’” recounts Ghassan.
The FSA rebels were right. After six months of fruitless negotiations, Ghaith was turned over to the al Qaeda group – and that’s when the phone calls got even more tormenting.
“At first, Nusra asked for a prisoner exchange. When we said we couldn’t manage that, they started demanding money,” said Ghassan.
The ransom demands were exorbitant for a middle class Syrian family struggling to get by in a wartime economy. Nusra asked for $30,000, or around €22,000 under the exchange rate at that time. "Even if I -- and my brothers -- sold everything we owned, we would never get that amount of money,” explains Ghassan.
Frantic negotiations ensured, with the family using the help of several intermediaries, including tribal chiefs – always for a price. “In total, I paid around 935,000 [Syrian pounds or around €4,600] to intermediaries,” explains Ghassan.
‘In three days you will be with us’
Their son’s well-being, under the circumstances, was their top priority. But things weren’t looking good. Sitting on a bed in a Paris hostel room, Ghassan crosses his palms and exhales slowly before plunging into a particularly tortuous chapter of their travails.
“They were always insulting me in the worst possible way because I’m Alawite and they were torturing him in the background, I could hear him scream,” says Ghassan. “I had a heart attack,” Fayza adds, “because they kept asking, ‘Do you want a finger or a hand or a leg...,’” she breaks down sobbing, unable, for the moment, to continue.
At that stage, the negotiations suddenly got frantic. Jabhat al-Nusra threatened to sell Ghaith to the IS group. It was September 2014 by then, 20 months into their son’s captivity, and the IS group’s proclivity for brutality was well-known.
“Things got rushed and we finally reached an agreement for a release against 2.5 million Syrian pounds [around €12,400]," says Ghassan.
The family somehow managed to cobble together the money. The sum was handed over to an intermediary who promised Ghassan his son would be released within three days. "I was confident. They allowed me to call my son and I told him, 'Good news: in three days you will be with us.'"
‘France has allowed killers to come to Syria’
But three months passed without any news. No more phone calls, no more ransom demands, no more threats, nothing.
"Then one day, one of our relatives told us about the beheading video. In fact, our neighbors knew about it, but no one dared tell us," recounts Fayza.
For good reason. Although Kassig’s beheading is not viewed in the video, the death squad-style executions of the Syrian captives are displayed in gruesome slow motion.
More than a year after the video release, the emotional wounds for Ghaith’s parents are still raw. As the sobbing retired Syrian army man buries his face in his hands, his wife, softly muttering, “haram, haram,” digs into a suitcase and fishes out a plastic bag full of photographs of their son.
Fayza and Ghassan will have to relive their trauma again, probably repeatedly, in a Paris courtroom in the days to come as they seek justice for their son. On Friday, March 25, the couple presented their evidence to a French judge. Their lawyer, Fabrice Delinde, told reporters it was “the first time that a Syrian family is a plaintiff in a case implicating a French jihadist who has gone to Syria called”.
Attempts by Ghaith’s parents to bring the case to court in France were initially rejected, but the Paris appeals court later ruled it was admissible.
For Ghassan, the unprecedented legal move makes perfect sense. “France has allowed killers to come to Syria to kill our sons,” says Ghassan. "The Syrian justice system cannot function in the current context. It is up to France to judge its citizens when they commit atrocities in our country."
Justice, if it comes, will be most welcome. But Fayza insists nothing can ever take away the pain.
“It’s an open wound," she admits. "I’m sorry to say this, but even if you look sad, you cannot feel what I feel. I am bleeding inside.”

Tuesday, March 29, 2016

Belgian nuclear guard ‘shot and security access badge stolen’

Two days after bomb attacks at Brussels airport and on a packed metro killed 31 people and injured hundreds, a security guard who worked at a Belgian nuclear plant was murdered and his pass was stolen, Belgian media reported on Saturday.

The French language Derniere Heure (DH) newspaper reported the security guard’s badge was de-activated as soon as it was discovered he had been shot dead in the Charleroi region of Belgium and his badge stolen.
The information could not be independently verified. A police spokeswoman said she could not comment because an investigation was ongoing.
In a nation on high alert following this week’s attacks, the report stokes fears about the possibility militants are seeking to get hold of nuclear material or planning to attack a nuclear site.
Immediately after the attacks, security was boosted around Belgium's nuclear sites, and hundreds of workers were sent home. The country’s nuclear agency also said it had withdrawn the entry badges of some staff and had denied access to other people recently amid concern the nuclear plants could be a target.
According to DH, the suicide bombers who blew themselves up on Tuesday originally considered targeting a nuclear site, but a series of arrests of suspect militants forced them to speed up their plans and instead switch focus to the Belgian capital.
Late last year, investigators found a video tracking the movements of a man linked to the country’s nuclear industry during a search of a flat as part of investigations into the Islamist militant attack on Paris on November 13 that killed 130 people.
The video, lasting several hours, showed footage of the entrance to a home in northern Belgium and the arrival and departure of the director of Belgium’s nuclear research programme.
The material, filmed by a camera in bushes outside the official's home, was reportedly found at the property of Mohamed Bakkali, incarcerated in Belgium for his links to the Paris attackers.
One Belgian newspaper reported that the device was collected by none other than brothers Ibrahim and Khalid El Bakraoui – two of the Brussels suicide bombers.
The threats of ‘nuclear terrorism’
On Thursday, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) chief, Yukiya Amano, warned of the dangers of “nuclear terrorism”, saying that the world needs to do more to prevent it.
"Terrorism is spreading and the possibility of using nuclear material cannot be excluded," Amano told AFP in an interview late Thursday.
"Member states need to have sustained interest in strengthening nuclear security," he said. "The countries which do not recognise the danger of nuclear terrorism is the biggest problem."
Major progress has been made, however, with countries reducing stockpiles of nuclear material.
This month, for example, Japan is returning enough plutonium to make 50 nuclear bombs to the United States.
But according to the International Panel on Fissile Materials, enough plutonium and highly enriched uranium still exist to make 20,000 weapons of the magnitude that levelled Hiroshima in 1945.
A grapefruit-sized amount of plutonium can be fashioned into a nuclear weapon, and according to Amano it is "not impossible" that extremists could manage to make a "primitive" device – if they got hold of the material.
"It is now an old technology and nowadays terrorists have the means, the knowledge and the information," he said.
But he said that a far likelier risk was a "dirty bomb".
This is a device using conventional explosives to disperse radioactive material other than uranium or plutonium.
Such material can be found in small quantities in universities, hospitals and other facilities the world over, often with little security.
"Dirty bombs will be enough to [drive] any big city in the world into panic," Amano said. "And the psychological, economic and political implications would be enormous."

Turkey: No to terrorism, no to double standards

As the violent conflict with the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) rages on in eastern Turkey, the capital city of Ankara has been the target of terror attacks twice over the past two months.
The recent escalation in the conflict has cost hundreds of innocent lives.
Turkey's efforts to maintain peace in the country will continue through carefully planned military operations, while still protecting civilians.
The "peace process" to end the decades-old Kurdish issue, which was initiated in late 2012, has been poisoned by the PKK and its campaign of terror. The group has amplified its operations against the Turkish state as a result of the power vacuum in Syria and Iraq.
Inside Story - Is the West too soft on the PKK?
Furthermore, Turkey has been left alone in its fight against PKK terrorism, since Western governments appear unwilling to stand behind Turkey in this regard.

PKK recruiting more militants

As part of the peace process, the PKK had promised to withdraw its militants beyond the border in 2013 as the first phase before total disarmament. Instead, it recruited more militants and took up more arms against Turkey by exploiting the destabilisation of Iraq and Syria.
On the other hand, a gesture of goodwill in the name of peace was shown by the Turkish government. The Justice and Development party (AK party) gradually abolished the previous restrictions on the rights of Kurdish people, and lifted the barriers of political expression for pro-Kurdish parties.


Although the predominately Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) passed the 10 percent electoral threshold in the June 2015 general elections, and hopes for a peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue were high, the PKK declared a "Revolutionary People's War" and started to kill innocent civilians, police and soldiers in the name of "self-governance".

Belgium charges three more people with 'terrorist activities

Belgian prosecutors on Monday named three new suspects and released CCTV video footage of the so-called man in the hat as part of a widening investigation into the March 22 bomb attacks at Brussels' Zaventem airport and the Maelbeek metro station.

The announcement that three more men had been charged with “terror activities” came as authorities raised the death toll from last week's devastating Islamic State (IS) group suicide attacks to 35 people.
Officials from the government's crisis centre said 31 victims died at the two attack sites and four had died in hospital. Three bombers were also killed when they detonated their explosives.
Police said they had charged the three additional suspects with participating in a terrorist group after a series of raids in recent days.
In a statement on Monday, the federal prosecutors identified the three charged as Yassine A., Mohamed B. and Aboubaker O., adding that they could not give further information about them at this stage.
They also said that they had released without charge a fourth man they had taken in for questioning.
Police announced on Sunday that they were holding four people following 13 new raids in and around Brussels and the northern port city of Antwerp.
The triple-suicide bombing in Brussels, considered the heart of the European Union, was Belgium’s worst-ever attack, which also left more than 300 people injured
Meanwhile, Belgian police released new video footage of the third suspect, whose bomb failed to go off at the airport.
The footage shows the man wearing a hat and white jacket pushing a trolley with a large bag through the departure hall, next to suicide bombers Ibrahim El Bakraoui and Najim Laachraoui.
A police notice issued with the video – still images from which have previously been released – said that officers "want to identify this man".
Belgian media had earlier claimed the “third man” in the image was Fayçal Cheffou. Police at the time would not comment on those reports.
But hours after Belgian police released the new Zaventem airport CCTV footage Monday, the federal prosecutor’s office said a man identified as “Fayçal C.” had been released due to lack of evidence.

Brussels police clash with far-right mob at attacks shrine

Belgian riot police fired water cannon on Sunday to disperse far-right football hooligans who disrupted mourners at a shrine for victims of the Brussels attacks, as police arrested several suspects in a series of new raids.

In scenes that compounded a week of grief for Belgians, black-clad protesters shouting anti-immigrant slogans moved in on the makeshift memorial at Place de la Bourse where hundreds of people had gathered in a show of solidarity.
Under-fire Belgian authorities meanwhile detained four terror suspects after carrying out 13 raids as they seek to round up a web of jihadists with links to the carnage in the Belgian capital and to attacks and plots in France.
The clashes between the far-right demonstrators and police underscored the tensions in Belgium after Tuesday’s Islamic State suicide attacks on the airport and the metro system in which 28 people died and 340 were wounded.
“This is our home” and “The state, Daesh accomplice” around 300 hooligans chanted, using an alternate term for IS, as they gathered near the square by the stock exchange building, AFP journalists witnessed.
Some trampled on the carpet of flowers, candles and messages left at the site by mourners in recent days while at least one wore a mask with a well-known far-right symbol.
‘Fascists! Fascists!’
Police urged the mourners, who included some Muslims, not to provoke the hooligans, but some chanted “Fascists! Fascists! We’re not having it!”
Riot police with helmets and shields corralled the hooligans before dispersing them with high power water jets, and marshalling them onto trains out of the city.
Around 10 people were arrested, police told AFP.
Brussels mayor Yvan Mayeur said police had done “nothing” to stop the hooligans coming to Brussels despite having advance warning, adding that he was “appalled” that “such thugs have come to provoke residents at the site of their memorial.”
The mourners gathered despite the fact that organisers had earlier called off a “March Against Fear” in Brussels on Easter Sunday at the request of Belgian authorities, who said police needed the resources for the attacks investigation.
In a homily at the medieval cathedral of Saints-Michel-et-Gudule in Brussels, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Malines-Brussels Jozef de Kesel said the attacks “defy understanding.”
“We are confronted with evil on an unimaginable scale which causes so much innocent and useless suffering,” the Belga news agency quoted de Kesel as saying.
“Easter celebrates victory over evil,” he added.
‘Urgency’ to tackle IS
Meanwhile, the Belgian Crisis Centre said 28 people had died in the airport and metro attacks, down from an initial toll of 31 which had included the three suicide bombers.
A total 340 people from 19 countries were wounded, of whom 101 remain in hospital -- 62 of them in intensive care.
As Belgium struggles to come to terms with the tragedy, recriminations continue over whether the authorities could and should have done more to prevent the carnage, as the links to the November Paris attacks by IS grow clearer by the day.
US Secretary of State John Kerry said Sunday the Brussels attacks highlighted the “great urgency” facing Europe to tackle the problem of young jihadists returning from fighting in Syria to carry out attacks.
Police carried out 13 raids Sunday across Brussels and the towns of Duffel and Mechelen to the north, the federal prosecutor said, questioning nine people and holding four for further inquiries.
In the latest piece in the puzzle of the jihadist cross-border networks, prosecutors said they had charged a second man with involvement in a terror group over a foiled plot to strike France.
And in the Netherlands police arrested a 32-year-old French national in Rotterdam on suspicion of planning a terror attack, Dutch prosecutors said, following a raid carried out at the request of French authorities.
The man is thought to have been planning an attack in France in the name of the Islamic State group along with Reda Kriket, a terror suspect who was detained near Paris on Thursday, a French police source told AFP.
The third man
Those developments came after Italian police had overnight arrested an Algerian national in connection with a probe into fake IDs used by the Paris attackers, suggesting their networks spread far and wide and will not be easy to dismantle.
Brussels prosecutors said the fake documents were “probably” also used by Salah Abdeslam, the sole surviving Paris attacks suspect, while the probe could also show if the same source also produced documents for those behind the March 22 attacks in Brussels.
The suspect, named as Djamal Eddine Ouali, 40, was interrogated Sunday but refused to speak, a judicial source said.
On Saturday, a Belgian suspect identified as Faycal Cheffou, widely thought to be the fugitive third bomber from the airport, was charged in Brussels with terrorist murder and participation in a terrorist group.
There has been intense speculation he is the man wearing a dark hat and light-coloured jacket seen in airport surveillance footage alongside Ibrahim El Bakraoui and Najim Laachraoui who blew themselves up.
Brussels airport meanwhile said an examination of the wrecked departure hall showed the structure was stable and authorities will now see if temporary check-in desks can be installed, although it will not reopen before Tuesday.
(AFP)
 
Date created : 2016-03-28